All Stories

  1. Up and down: counterfactual closeness is robust to direction of comparison
  2. Doing things efficiently: Testing an account of why simple explanations are satisfying
  3. Robust Evidence for Knowledge Attribution and Luck: A Comment on Hall et al. (2024)
  4. Children (and many adults) use perceptual similarity to assess relative impossibility.
  5. Children use proximity and ability to infer distinct kinds of counterfactual closeness.
  6. Emotions before actions: When children see costs as causal
  7. People Accept Breaks in the Causal Chain Between Crime and Punishment
  8. People accept breaks in the causal chain between crime and punishment
  9. When children choose fantastical events in fiction.
  10. Sunk cost predictions as theory of mind
  11. Can compression take place in working memory without a central contribution of long-term memory?
  12. Local or foreign? Flexibility in children’s preference for similar others.
  13. Ownership and Value in Childhood
  14. Perceived similarity explains beliefs about possibility.
  15. An Adversarial Collaboration on Dirty Money
  16. Probability and intentional action
  17. Two kinds of counterfactual closeness
  18. Probability and intentional action
  19. The Odds Tell Children What People Favor
  20. Two kinds of counterfactual closeness.
  21. The second-order problem of other minds
  22. Calculated Feelings: How Children Use Probability to Infer Emotions
  23. Why Children Believe They Are Owned
  24. Ownership and willingness to compete for resources
  25. The Social Network: How People Infer Relationships From Mutual Connections
  26. The social network: How people infer relationships from mutual connections.
  27. Anchored in the present: Preschoolers more accurately infer their futures when confronted with their pasts
  28. Novelty preferences depend on goals
  29. Anchored in the present: preschoolers more accurately infer their futures when confronted with their pasts
  30. Blind to Bias? Young Children Do Not Anticipate that Sunk Costs Lead to Irrational Choices
  31. Children’s Accent-based Inferences Depend on Geographic Background
  32. Preschoolers are sensitive to accent distance
  33. Prominence, Property, and Inductive Inference
  34. Attributing ownership to hold others accountable
  35. The odds tell children what people favor.
  36. Novelty preferences depend on goals
  37. Young Children Infer Psychological Ownership from Stewardship
  38. Easy or difficult? Children’s understanding of how supply and demand affect goal completion
  39. Easy or difficult? Children's understanding of how supply and demand affect goal completion
  40. Expectations of how machines use individuating information and base-rates
  41. Causal knowledge and children’s possibility judgments
  42. Young children infer psychological ownership from stewardship.
  43. Attributing Ownership to Hold Others Accountable
  44. Causal knowledge and children’s possibility judgments
  45. Blind to Bias? Young Children Do Not Anticipate that Sunk Costs Lead to Irrational Choices
  46. Butt-dialing the devil: Evil agents are expected to disregard intentions behind requests
  47. Butt-dialing the devil: Evil agents are expected to disregard intentions behind requests
  48. Varieties of value: Children differentiate caring from liking
  49. Varieties of value: Children differentiate caring from liking
  50. Toddlers and preschoolers understand that some preferences are more subjective than others
  51. Oh … so close! Children’s close counterfactual reasoning and emotion inferences.
  52. Toddlers and Preschoolers Understand That Some Preferences Are More Subjective Than Others
  53. Oh…So close! Children’s close counterfactual reasoning and emotion inferences
  54. Young children infer feelings of ownership from habitual use.
  55. A similarity heuristic in children’s possibility judgments
  56. Children’s Beliefs about Possibility Differ Across Dreams, Stories, and Reality
  57. Likely stories: Young children favor typical over atypical story events
  58. A Similarity Heuristic in Children’s Possibility Judgments
  59. Unsolicited but acceptable: Non-owners can access property if the owner benefits.
  60. Actual knowledge
  61. Likely stories: Young children favor typical over atypical story events
  62. Knowledge before belief
  63. Is Probabilistic Evidence a Source of Knowledge
  64. Unsolicited but acceptable: Non-owners can access property if the owner benefits
  65. Winners and Losers in the Folk Epistemology of Lotteries
  66. Children’s Beliefs About Possibility Differ Across Dreams, Stories, and Reality
  67. Expert or Esoteric? Philosophers Attribute Knowledge Differently Than All Other Academics
  68. Disgust and Moral Judgment: Distinguishing Between Elicitors and Feelings Matters
  69. Working memory develops at a similar rate across diverse stimuli
  70. Young children use probability to infer happiness and the quality of outcomes
  71. Young Children Infer Feelings of Ownership from Habitual Use
  72. Children’s working memory develops at similar rates for sequences differing in compressibility
  73. Young Children Use Probability to Infer Happiness and the Quality of Outcomes
  74. Beyond Belief: The Probability-Based Notion of Surprise in Children
  75. Young Children use Supply and Demand to Infer Desirability
  76. Young children use supply and demand to infer desirability.
  77. Give and take: Ownership affects how 2- and 3-year-olds allocate resources
  78. Questions and potential answers about ways ownership and art matter for one another
  79. Preschoolers are sensitive to accent distance
  80. Questions and Potential Answers About Ways Ownership and Art Matter for One Another
  81. An advantage for ownership over preferences in children’s future thinking
  82. An advantage for ownership over preferences in children’s future thinking.
  83. Give and take: Ownership affects how 2- and 3-year-olds allocate resources
  84. Children Value Objects With Distinctive Histories
  85. Children value objects with distinctive histories.
  86. Children show reduced trust in confident advisors who are partially informed
  87. I owe you an explanation: Children’s beliefs about when people are obligated to explain their actions
  88. Children show reduced trust in confident advisors who are partially informed
  89. Distant lands make for distant possibilities
  90. Sunk Cost Bias and Withdrawal Aversion
  91. Ownership Matters: People Possess a Naïve Theory of Ownership
  92. Future-oriented objects
  93. Distant lands make for distant possibilities: Children view improbable events as more possible in far-away locations.
  94. The development of territory-based inferences of ownership
  95. Children hold owners responsible when property causes harm.
  96. Theory of mind ability in high socially anxious individuals
  97. Children hold owners responsible when property causes harm
  98. Children’s accent-based inferences depend on geographic background
  99. Using versus liking: Young children use ownership to predict actions but not to infer preferences
  100. The Development of Territory-Based Inferences of Ownership
  101. Beyond belief: The probability-based notion of surprise in children.
  102. Using versus liking: Young children use ownership to predict actions, but not to infer preferences
  103. Legal Ownership Is Psychological: Evidence from Young Children
  104. Spoiled for choice: Identifying the building blocks of folk-economic beliefs
  105. Young children protest and correct pretense that contradicts their general knowledge
  106. Accent, Language, and Race: 4-6-Year-Old Children's Inferences Differ by Speaker Cue
  107. Children’s judgments about ownership rights and body rights: Evidence for a common basis
  108. Fitting the Message to the Listener: Children Selectively Mention General and Specific Facts
  109. She Bought the Unicorn From the Pet Store: Six- to Seven-Year-Olds Are Strongly Inclined to Generate Natural Explanations.
  110. Young children’s understanding of the limits and benefits of group ownership.
  111. Preschoolers use emotional reactions to infer relations
  112. Young children infer preferences from a single action, but not if it is constrained
  113. Children’s generic interpretation of pretense
  114. Ownership Rights
  115. Knowledge central: A central role for knowledge attributions in social evaluations
  116. “Because It's Hers”: When Preschoolers Use Ownership in Their Explanations
  117. Where are you from? Preschoolers infer background from accent
  118. If I am free, you can’t own me: Autonomy makes entities less ownable
  119. Identical but not interchangeable: Preschoolers view owned objects as non-fungible
  120. Creation in Judgments about the Establishment of Ownership
  121. Children have difficulty using object location to recognize when natural objects are owned
  122. Rule-based category use in preschool children
  123. Preschoolers and Toddlers Use Ownership to Predict Basic Emotions
  124. Toddlers Assert and Acknowledge Ownership Rights
  125. Is Probabilistic Evidence a Source of Knowledge?
  126. For the greater goods? Ownership rights and utilitarian moral judgment
  127. Parallels in Preschoolers' and Adults' Judgments About Ownership Rights and Bodily Rights
  128. Preschoolers can infer general rules governing fantastical events in fiction
  129. Mine, yours, no one’s: Children’s understanding of how ownership affects object use
  130. Taking ‘know’ for an answer: A reply to Nagel, San Juan, and Mar
  131. Children and Adults Use Gender and Age Stereotypes in Ownership Judgments
  132. Young Children's Understanding of Ownership
  133. Preschoolers Selectively Infer History When Explaining Outcomes: Evidence From Explanations of Ownership, Liking, and Use
  134. Young Children Give Priority to Ownership When Judging Who Should Use an Object
  135. How Do Children Represent Pretend Play?
  136. The Origin of Children’s Appreciation of Ownership Rights
  137. First Possession, History, and Young Children's Ownership Judgments
  138. The Folk Epistemology of Lotteries
  139. Just pretending can be really learning: Children use pretend play as a source for acquiring generic knowledge.
  140. The folk conception of knowledge
  141. Acquiring ownership and the attribution of responsibility
  142. Preschoolers Acquire General Knowledge by Sharing in Pretense
  143. Artifacts and natural kinds: Children's judgments about whether objects are owned
  144. Twenty-one reasons to care about the psychological basis of ownership
  145. Ownership and object history
  146. The signature of inhibition in theory of mind: children’s predictions of behavior based on avoidance desire
  147. Necessary for Possession: How People Reason About the Acquisition of Ownership
  148. Is young children’s recognition of pretense metarepresentational or merely behavioral? Evidence from 2- and 3-year-olds’ understanding of pretend sounds and speech
  149. The Opposites Task: Using General Rules to Test Cognitive Flexibility in Preschoolers
  150. Non-interpretative metacognition for true beliefs
  151. Children do not follow the rule “ignorance means getting it wrong”
  152. Preschoolers infer ownership from “control of permission”
  153. Determining who owns what: Do children infer ownership from first possession?
  154. First possession: An assumption guiding inferences about who owns what
  155. The conceptual underpinnings of pretense: Pretending is not ‘behaving-as-if’
  156. Theory of mind and the right cerebral hemisphere: Refining the scope of impairment
  157. Recognition of pretend and real actions in play by 1- and 2-year-olds: Early success and why they fail
  158. Processing demands in belief-desire reasoning: inhibition or general difficulty?
  159. Core mechanisms in ‘theory of mind’
  160. A developmental shift in processes underlying successful belief-desire reasoning
  161. A developmental shift in processes underlying successful belief-desire reasoning
  162. Mechanisms of Belief-Desire Reasoning
  163. Problems with the Seeing = Knowing Rule